The Blackbird Whistling, Or Just After

No "Right" Way To Be A Woman in Power - Barriers of Sex & Race in '08 Election

Gloria Steinem writes a brief yet interesting op-ed in the Times today about Clinton's struggle against the gender barrier verses Obama's against the racial barrier. She writes

I’m not advocating a competition for who has it toughest. The caste systems of sex and race are interdependent and can only be uprooted together. [...]

But what worries me is that he  is seen as unifying by his race while she  is seen as divisive by her sex.

What worries me is that she is accused of “playing the gender card” when citing the old boys’ club, while he is seen as unifying by citing civil rights confrontations.

What worries me is that male Iowa voters were seen as gender-free when supporting their own, while female voters were seen as biased if they did and disloyal if they didn’t.

What worries me is that reporters ignore Mr. Obama’s dependence on the old — for instance, the frequent campaign comparisons to John F. Kennedy — while not challenging the slander that her progressive policies are part of the Washington status quo. [...]

This country can no longer afford to choose our leaders from a talent pool limited by sex, race, money, powerful fathers and paper degrees. It’s time to take equal pride in breaking all the barriers.

The piece doesn't explore any of these issues, but it does bring them up in a mainstream media that has so far demonstrated an awkwardness and general avoidance of the topic - as though pointing out that Clinton is being regarded differently because she's a woman is sexist in itself.

In September, Chris Matthews asked Senator Chris Dodd if he found it difficult to debate against a woman. The feminists rolled their eyes and angrily blogged about it. I thought it was a fair question. It simply took at look at the issue from a different point of view.

Gender restrictions in our society, even the ones that deem women are weaker and dictate that gentlemen don't fight with, pick on, or bully women, effect both sexes. In this case, how do you come out swinging in the verbal slug-fest of a presidential debate, when a gentleman is taught to treat women gently, pay for dinner, and open doors? Image is everything to campaigners, and while aggressive against another man is, well...manly, the same demeanor against a woman may well label you a brute.

Whether this is insulting or sexist isn't the point of the question. The fact that these pre-conceptions exist (and what is a political campaign if not the careful juggling, polling, and pandering to the pre-conceptions of targeted voter groups?) is reason enough to acknowledge them. The very act of not-acknowledging these differences, of perpetuating the long-standing silence surrounding issues of gender and race, is to normalize the stereotypes, to authenticate them, even.

Does gender or race have anything to do with competency in the oval office? Of course not. But when a society is ingrained with so many unfounded fears, insinuations, skewed perceptions, and unspoken assumptions, it becomes clear that many voters believe gender and race have a lot to do with it.

Granted, an informed debate on gender stereotypes is not likely to break out on Hardball, but Matthews was one of the only mainstreamers to ask an obvious question, rather than avoiding the question so as not to offend, in the pretense that the reality which keeps the question relevant doesn't exist.

Then again, with so much else to consider - health care, national security, choosing a new commander-in-chief - how many Americans want to hold a mirror up to their own deep-seated views of gender stereotypes? Maybe blaming the media is too easy. I have enough trouble finding people who recognize sexism in everyday life, let along those who want to talk about it, or worse yet, admit their own long-standing notions. Is this too cynical?

"Legal Fictions" Lithwick on the Biggest Bush Admin. Assertions of 2007

In Slate this week, Dahlia Lithwick covers "The Bush Administration's Dumbest Legal Arguments of the Year." The way things have been piling up, 365 days is more than enough time to forget a few whoppers. She covers  Gonzales, Libby, executive privilege, waterboarding, and a few that may have slipped your mind by now...

It's also worth while to take a peek at her 2006 retrospective "The Bill of Wrongs: The 10 most outrageous civil liberties violations of 2006." Wiretapping, anyone?

Other handy reminders are available via the Huffington Post:

  

Changing Hearts: New Op-Ed Urges Pro-Life Pro-Choice "Partnership"

RH Reality Check has an interesting article by Anna Clark  called "Changing Hearts, From Pro-Life to Pro-Choice."

She chronicles her tale from fervid anti-choice to passionate pro-choice. And no, her change of heart does not involve an abortion in her life.

What I love about this piece is that it humanizes the struggle itself. Clark dislikes the idea of two warring sides and laments that her ideas on reproductive rights would have changed much sooner had pro-choicers bother to talk to her about their beliefs rather than eying her up as the enemy.

It's difficult to not become enraged about the issue itself, but do we need to be constantly enraged at each other? Pro-choicers watch religious, political, and largely misogynistic rhetoric take away the right to our own bodies and futures (let alone our own personal and/or religious or spiritual beliefs.) Pro-lifers believe that sex-hungry women defile their bodies and wipe away their sin by conveniently aborting their innocent babies.

It's emotional. It's volatile. But is it, essentially, for the everyday women who find themselves on one side of the issue or the other, the truth? Are the assumptions made by each side about the other really what's going on in the hearts and minds of women?

I would argue that it isn't. That those at the polar extremes of the abortion issue speak the loudest and get the most news coverage. And then I wonder if, when someone tells me she's pro-life, it's only my own smallness that causes my knee-jerk dislike, even disrespect for her.

Clark writes:

Enemy caricatures mask the greatest strength of pro-choice philosophy: inclusiveness.

Pro-choice society, like democratic society, is predicated on space for those who disagree. When we play sides, we forget there are no enemies in the vision we pursue. Our inclusiveness of those who choose not to have abortions, and even those who judge abortion to be morally wrong, is our movement's power. When we approach anti-choicers as friends, not only do we act on the heart of our beliefs, but we create space for anti-choicers to become our allies.

I'm not sure how I feel about my ability to embrace the total inclusiveness thing, but women speaking openly and non-judgmentally to other women (and men) about this critical issue, can only be a good idea.

"Anti-gay amendments are the Happy Meal toy of Republican politics." - A Meandering Post on Gay & Women's Rights

"Anti-gay amendments are the Happy Meal toy of Republican politics." So says Chris Kelly, who has a good piece in Huffington today about Florida introducing a new Marriage Protection Amendment on the 2008 ballot. Forgive the dripping sarcasm, he makes a good point.

So come on down! And while you're in there, marking the magic X that proves you're not a homo -- and that your life wasn't a squalid waste of everyone's time, because at least you got yerself hitched -- why not also vote for a Republican president?

Something for you.  Something for the GOP. It's a get-out-the-vote win/win.

The amendment is being pushed by John Stemberger head of Florida4Marriage, which according to Kelly is

a Republican front group, run by a personal injury lawyer, to lure gay-hating boobs into the voting booths next November.

Although the the Federal "Defense" of Marriage Act applies to Florida, this push for a change to the state constitution is a "just in case" measure to firm up wording that clever homosexuals may, at some point in the future, use to challenge the definition of marriage and ultimately subject children to the "vast, untested social experiment" that is same sex marriage.

They get much of their support material from "Focus on the Family" who, when not embroiled against the ignoble war on Christmas, is  propagating the gay-is-evil Christian world view with gems like these -

• No society needs homosexual coupling. In fact, too much of it would be harmful to society and that is why natural marriage and same-sex coupling cannot be considered socially equal.

• It is an affront to African-Americans to say having past generations being prevented from taking a drink from a public water fountain or being sprayed down by fire hoses in a public park was on par to laws preventing a man from marrying another man. The comparison is shameful.

• Supporters of the Federal Marriage Amendment (FMA) did not just dream up the need for such an amendment. We have been forced into this battle because a very small few want to constitutionally redefine marriage for all of us. Same-sex activists brought this fight to all of us. (Er..."very small few?")

A little more digging at family.org, and I discovered the predictably misogynistic take on heterosexual marriage. The best bits are "What I Didn't Know About Men - Seven Revelations". These include - men need respect, men are providers, men want more sex, and...

Men care about appearance.
What that means in practice: You don't need to be a size 3, but your man does need to see you making the effort to take care of yourself — and he will take on significant cost or inconvenience in order to support you.

There's plenty more, of course, including a the follow-up section "You Are Her Prince Charming", but you can check it out yourself, if you're so inclined.

Rape as a Weapon of War in the Congo [Part 3 - The Healing & What You Can Do to Help]

If you want an intimate glimpse into the lives of victimized women fighting to reclaim their lives in the Democratic Republic of Congo, start with Lumo - One Woman's Struggle to Heal in a Country Beset by War.

This documentary details the story of then 20 year-old Lumo Sinai who, like tens or hundreds of thousands of others, was violently gang-raped and left for dead by militants in the DRC.

The Goma Film Project gives the following synopsis:

Lumo is a feature-length documentary about a young Congolese woman on an uncertain path to recovery at a unique hospital for rape survivors.

The agonies of war torn Africa are deeply etched in the bodies of women. In eastern Congo, vying militias, armies and bandits use rape as a weapon of terror.

Recently engaged to a young man from her village, 20 year-old Lumo Sinai couldn’t wait to have children and start a family. But when she crossed paths with marauding soldiers who brutally attacked her, she was left with a fistula — a condition that has rendered her incontinent and threatens her ability to give birth in the future. Rejected by her fiancé and cast aside by her family, Lumo found her way to the one place that may save her: a hospital for rape survivors set on the border with Rwanda.

Buoyed by the love of the hospital staff, and a formidable team of wise women known to all as “the Mamas,” Lumo and her friends keep the hope of one day resuming their former lives, thanks to an operation that can restore them fully to health. A feisty young woman with a red comb perpetually jutting from her hair, Lumo faces the challenge of recovery with remarkable courage and sass. As she and her friends recover from surgery, they pass the days by gossiping and sharing their dreams of one day finding love.

But when it looks like her operation may have failed, Lumo’s faith is thrown entirely into question.

On this uncertain road to recovery, Lumo shows that the solidarity of women can bind the most irreparable of wounds.

American filmmakers Bent-Jorgen Perlmutt and Nelson Walker III take a unique approach that grants them the unlikely trust and acceptance of these brutalized women. They encourage the women to pick up a camera and participate in the filming (not unlike Ann Jones providing women with a means of self-expression and independence through photography in Cote d'Ivoire).

The filmmakers held nightly screening sessions, which both amazed and inspired the community of healing women. They also gave the women freedom to film whenever they chose and ensured that whenever a woman preferred not to be filmed, anyone with a camera desisted immediately and without question.

The film is shot in an observational style with no additional narration; the women themselves tell the story.

The culmination of these choices produces a striking result. The women pay little attention to the camera and the viewer is left with the astonishing "fly on the wall" privilege of looking into these women's lives: their horrific tales, their broken bodies, their fight to reclaim a piece of happiness, of purpose, their laughter, their jokes, their support, their jealousies, their triumphs, and their despair.

The film follows the women through their process of healing, both physically and psychologically, but it is careful not to paint a fairytale of recovery. When women heal from successful fistula surgeries, they leave the safety of the hospital and re-enter a climate rife with sexual violence and instability. Many times a woman's rapists will still have control of her village when she returns. It is not uncommon for a woman to heal and return  months later with further injuries.

Few hospitals exist to help these women, and those that do are underfunded, under supplied, and understaffed.

At the  Panzi hospital in Bukavu, Dr. Denis Mukwege is the only physician in a facility of 300 beds, most of which are filled with women waiting surgery to repair traumatic fistulas. Ironically, the hospital was founded as an operating room and maternity ward to serve the many women in southern Bukavu who have no assess to obstetric care. It was soon apparent, however, that the greater need was care for the growing number of victims of sexual violence.

Eve Ensler, founder of v-day.org,  wrote an extensive piece about her visit to DRC and Panzi, published in (of all places) Glamour Magazine. She begins the article with

I have just returned from hell. I am trying for the life of me to figure out how to communicate what I have seen and heard in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

According to Erika Beckman, project manager for PMU Interlife, in an email to Susannah at The Reverse Cowgirl

...we receive approx. 200 rape victims a month at the hospital. We have both in-patients (women with more severe wounds) who reside at the hospital, and out-patients (less severe wounds) that stay in our "transit homes" where they are taken care of in-between treatments at the hospital. All women that come here receive the treatment, operations and training for free. Their children they might have with them are also cared for, as well as accompanying relatives or neighbours.

Women stay here on average 30 days for treatment, many women need multiple operations to be rehabilitated, and many need to heal in between the operations too. During their stay here, the women are taught how to read and write, they are taught different handicrafts and how to be self-sustainable. They are also given legal counselling and guided by lawyers if they wish to press charges against their perpetrators. (Currently we have 14 cases pending, but sadly because of the weak judicial system in DR Congo, perpetrators are always let off the hook).

The best evidence of the importance we have on the raped women that we treat is that many have told me that they would not have survived if they did not come to Panzi. Many women are, as you can understand, suicidal after the rape, but here at Panzi, except for medical treatment, they are also given their value back by our excellent staff and fellow victims who support each other, sing together to relieve the pain, work together on handicrafts and laugh together. They are truly amazing at finding small things to be happy about in life and really encourage each other in this way. [Em.mine]

The Panzi hospital, in partnership with V-Day and Unicef, is raising funds for a City of Joy.

City of Joy will be a refuge for healed women, survivors of rape and torture who have been left without family and community.  City of Joy will offer a safe haven, providing educational and income-generating opportunities, and support women in becoming the next leaders of the DRC.

Donate through v-day here.

Lumo was filmed in the HEAL Africa Hospital in Goma. HEAL Africa (Health, Education, Community Action, and Leadership Development) started as a part of Doctors on Call to Service (DOCS) and is now run by Dr Jo Lusi and his wife Lyn. They work to train Congolese medical staff, counselors and activists on dealing with issues like gender-based violence, and HIV/AIDS.

As seen in the film, they send one of the "Mamas" into the countryside with a truck, rounding up women with traumatic fistulas and transporting them to the hospital. Although women often have had no idea that help was available, they remain terrified and many need to be persuaded to make the journey to the hospital.

To help the women re-integrate into communities that had ostracized them, HEAL Africa sends the women home bearing valuable gifts such as seeds and a gardening hoe, or a pair of ducks or a goat. The women also return with new self-sustainment skills that increase their value to the village. Many become literate during their stay at the hospital.

Donate to HEAL Africa here, and they'll tell you what each dollar amount will buy. For example, $20 buys a sewing kit for a woman who has learned tailoring skills, $50 pays for tuition and supplies to send one child to primary school for a year, $300 pays for a woman's fistula surgery.

Donate. Write a letter to Congolese officials (v-day has a template). Link to a blog or article. TALK to people. Tell them what's going on and what they can do.

Act now. It's so easy for most of us. Just act.

Gang Rape Isn't A Crime When...

Two disturbing items in the news today.

Contractors in Iraq Answer to No One (again)

ABC News is reporting on Jamie Leigh Jones, then 20, who was drugged and gang-raped by male Halliburton/KBR co-workers after working only four days in the Green Zone in Iraq. She had earlier requested to be moved from an almost all-barracks, and was told to "go to a spa." (To what? Relax?)

After the rape she was locked in a shipping container and warned that if she sought medical help, or revealed to anyone what had happened, she would lose her job.

Eventually, Jones was able to contact her father via cell phone and tell what happened, which

led to the State Department's involvement to dispatch members of the US Embassy in Baghdad to rescue her from the container.

The rape kit with evidence of the attack had "disappeared" since being shipped from Iraq to Washington through KBR security. Although later recovered, it was missing vital photos and doctors notes.
Two years later, not a single charge has been filed.

Read her story in her own words here.

ABC reports

The Justice Department has brought no criminal charges in the matter. In fact, ABC News could not confirm any federal agency was investigating the case.

Legal experts say Jones' alleged assailants will likely never face a judge and jury, due to an enormous loophole that has effectively left contractors in Iraq beyond the reach of United States law.

She has recently filed a civil suit against both Halliburton (who says it's improperly named) and KBR (who says no external investigation is necessary because they're handling it all themselves...) Her lawyer, Todd Kelley, feels that

KBR and Halliburton created a "boys will be boys" atmosphere at the company barracks which put her and other female employees at great risk.

"I think that men who are there believe that they live without laws," said Kelly. "The last thing she should have expected was for her own people to turn on her."

Three other female KBR employees have also come forward.

And...

The 10-Year Old Was Asking For It...

The Guardian reported today on the rape of a ten-year old aboriginal Australian girl

by nine males aged 14-26. Queensland District Court judge Sarah Bradley gave

suspended sentences and probation for the rapists, one of whom was a repeat sex offender, because - in her own words

"...probably agreed to have sex with all of you."

Probably? Agreed? A ten year old child. Nine men.

Wrap deep-seated racism in deep-seated sexism and I suppose you come up with thinking like this.

Australia has been attempting to address the "toxic levels" of sexual abuse against Aboriginal children following the Northern Territories' June 2007 report "Little Children Are Sacred", which details the "endemic proportions" of sexual abuse.

Widespread disgust and outrage has ensued since the late October sentencing, and Queensland's attorney-general, Kerry Shine, plans to appeal Bradley's decision.

Although the Prime-Minister is "appalled and disgusted", the town's Mayor oddly refused to comment on the case, saying only "I think this is all a lot of crap," and asserting that Aboriginals are really the ones with power. The men are said to have come from affluent families and Mayor Pootchamunka seemed afraid that further comment would imply his involvement in the light sentencing.

Rape as a Weapon of War in the Congo [Part 2 - The Savagery]

It is difficult to write this section because what I am about to describe is nearly unimaginable. But it is true and it is happening. Not to one woman. Not to ten, or one hundred, or one thousand. Not to ten thousand. It's happening to hundreds of thousands of women throughout the DRC. It is happening right now, this second, as you read this.

Women, children, babies. Raped, tortured, mutilated. Many times in front of their families. Many times for days on end. They are gang raped. They are raped with objects. Sticks. Rocks. Bayonets. Guns. They are raped with the sheer intent to destroy - body and soul. Women have had firearms discharged into their vaginas, blowing out their female anatomy, yet surviving. Girls under the age of three, women over eighty.

Women are left with wounds, infections, STDs, and traumatic fistulas. A traumatic fistula is a tear in the wall between the vagina and the bladder and/or the rectum, leaving the woman entirely incontinent.

Having been raped these women are frequently and "justifiably" abandoned by their husbands. Bearing the stench of incontinence, they are often ostracized by their villages. Unable to bear children, they lose their primary value as mother or wife.

Individual stories are nearly unbearable to hear. Congolese human rights activist Christine Schuler Deshchyver describes:

Babies. The last baby who was raped, it was in April. She was ten months old, so a very small baby. She was raped. The same gang raped the mother during two weeks. Then they came to Bukavu into my office. I wanted to bring the baby to the hospital, but she was so injured she died in my arms. Ten months—can you imagine that? And these people, these women in Congo, are just begging for life, not begging for money, just the right to live in their country safely.

The New York Times recently reported:

“I still have pain and feel chills,” said Kasindi Wabulasa, who was raped in February by five men. The men held an AK-47 rifle to her husband’s chest and made him watch, telling him that if he closed his eyes, they would shoot him. When they were finished, Ms. Wabulasa said, they shot him anyway.

***

Honorata Barinjibanwa, 18, [...] said she was kidnapped from a village [...] raided in April and kept as a sex slave until August. Most of that time she was tied to a tree, and she still has rope marks ringing her delicate neck. The men would untie her for a few hours each day to gang-rape her, she said. [...] She is also pregnant.

The HRW  report cites a Congolese doctor in eastern DRC specialising in the treatment of rape victims:

"In peacetime, the demands on Congolese women are limitless; but in this war, the most insane fantasies have found their expression. When seven soldiers rape a women or little girl, and thrust a knife or fire shots into her vagina, for them the woman is no longer a human being, she is an object. And since there are no longer any laws or rules, combatants pour out their anger and their madness on to women and little girls."

Particularly horrifying is the indiscriminate targeting of victims. Even in times of war, certain standards of decency usually remain - at least in a percentage of the terrorizing population. But no code of ethics seems to stand in the DRC. According to an Amnesty International report:

All levels of the population in eastern DRC are affected by sexual violence. Survivors hail from all ethnic groups, all social strata and all age groups,(24), from rural and urban districts. Those raped may be seriously ill, physically or mentally disabled or pregnant. In some areas, rapes of men and boys are common. In the words of one rapist[...], "It makes no difference".

John Holmes, head of the U.N. Emergency Relief Operations described DRC's intensity and frequency of rape as "the worst in the world," explaining

It's the scale and brutality of it. It's the use of it as a weapon of terror. It's the way it's done publicly, for maximum humiliation.

Prevalence of Rape

In the first six months of 2007 the UN reported reported 4,500 instances of rape in the Southern Kivu province alone. However, only the most extreme cases are reported. Keep in mind that a woman who admits to being raped bears the stigma of it for the rest of her life. She exposes herself and her children to abandonment by her husband. If she is unmarried, admitting lost virginity makes it nearly impossible to find a husband, which is essentially the only way to make a place for herself in Congolese society.

Rapes are reported when a woman requires life-saving medical care and must admit what has happened in order to get it. That is, if she has manages to discover that medical help is available and to safely traverse many miles to arrive at one of the few hospitals able to treat her condition.

Therefore, the actual number of rape cases is much higher than 4,500 in six months. Holmes estimates that "many -- perhaps most -- attacks go unreported." Most? So the actual figure may be ten times higher, though probably more. And remember, we're only talking about South Kivu - a province with a population of 245,000. If we add in the population of surrounding rural communities, it's still less populated than, say, the city of Boston or Tuscon. Using the reported number of cases only, that would lead to 9,000 (90,000) women brutally mutilated, beaten, and raped in a single year. That's 750 (7,500) women every month. 173 (1,730) every week. 25 (250) per day. In an area with the population of Boston.

Information from the Stephen Lewis Foundation gives even higher figures:

In October, 2006, UN Under Secretary-General for Peacekeeping, Jean-Marie Guehenno, reported that "In the eastern Congo, over 12,000 rapes of women and girls have been reported in the last six months."

But Jean-Marie Guenhenno knows that the number of rapes that go unreported as usually ten or twenty times higher than those that come to official attention, and vastly higher still during a war. [Em. mine]

Who is raping the women? Who isn't.

Although much focus is placed on the Interahamwe (Rwandan Hutus who perpetrated the 1994 genocide), virtually every militant group is a danger to women. Perpetrators also include the Congolese army and any of dozens of armed civilian factions. Even UN peace keepers have been cited as some of the worst offenders.  Activist Christine Schuler Deschryver explains:

All of them are raping women. It is a country sport. Any person in uniform is an enemy to women.

Next: Rape as a Weapon of War in the Congo [Part 3 -- The Healing]

"Like Rwanda, but Worse" - Rape as a Weapon of War in the Congo [PART ONE: History of the Conflict]

Women in the People's Democratic of Congo have been enduring barbaric sexual atrocities during the country's violent civil unrest for more than a decade. Yet the western world seems to hardly have noticed. This is the first in an ongoing series documenting the situation in a country where women and children are inhumanly brutalized, where even the most unimaginable forms of rape have become common weapons of war.

Many are questioning how this level of sexual violence grew to such dramatic proportions. Although atrocities and rape in wartime are common, U.N. leaders consider the intensity and prevalence of horrors in the Congo to be "the worst in the world."

It's interesting to note that, according to a recent NY Times article

Many Congolese aid workers denied that the problem was cultural and insisted that the widespread rapes were not the product of something ingrained in the way men treated women in Congolese society. “If that were the case, this would have showed up long ago,” said Wilhelmine Ntakebuka, who coordinates a sexual violence program in Bukavu.

Contrarily, an Amnesty International  report asserts that it is precisely women's lower societal status that allows for this type of targeting in wartime.

"When you lift the stone of sexual violence, you will find another stone of the treatment of women more generally, which is effectively slavery. Women do everything: they walk miles for food or water, they care for the children, they cook, they clean, they cultivate the land and they earn the family income… That is the female condition in the Congo. "

 -- Expatriate woman psychologist working in DRC, interviewed by AI

In the very least, Congolese law leaves nowhere for these women to turn as crimes of rape, torture, mutilation, kidnapping, and sexual slavery are committed with nearly 100% impunity.

A 2002 HRW report summarizes women's status in Congolese society.

Even before the war in Congo, women and girls were second class citizens. The law as well as social norms defined the role of women and girls as subordinate to men. Although women are often a major-if not the major-source of support for the family, the Congolese Family Code requires them to obey their husbands who are recognized as the head of the household.

Women and girls are also subordinate by custom and practice. A woman's status depends on being married and girls tend to marry at a young age. It is generally considered more important to educate boys than girls[...] Literacy statistics for Congo (also) show gender-specific discrimination.

Male household heads often settle violent crimes against women and girls outside the courts. Some have "resolved" rape cases by accepting a money payment from the perpetrator or his family or by arranging to have the perpetrator marry the victim. [...]

Women and girls who are raped suffer significant loss of social status[...] In cases of the death of women and girls by murder or negligence, the family of the victim sometimes agrees to accept the equivalent of a woman's bride price as compensation and does not pursue the case further.

Congolese views about women and the issue of sexual violence were clearly demonstrated in 2005 when UNICEF spearheaded the first march against sexual violence in the boarder city of Goma. Hundreds of brutalized women donned black head scarves and nervously took to the streets. In a PBS interview, American filmmaker Bent-Jorgen Perlmutt describes the event:

...the march ended up being more chaotic than we imagined because every one of the bystanders, male or female, heckled the women marching. Their position was, "Why are you doing this? This is stupid. What is sexual violence?" On an official level, there aren't any adequate laws against rape, and no one has been convicted of rape in 40 years, other than three or four people who were not soldiers.

Let's take a quick look at how the climate in the Congo escalated to create an atmosphere conducive to these horrors.

Rwandan Atrocities Bleed Across Boarders

The Democratic Republic of Congo has been torn by conflict almost since its origins. Although women have long suffered pervasive injustice in this climate, sexual violence crescendoed to horrific levels and epidemic proportions in the wake of civil violence that was instigated by the atrocities in neighboring Rwanda.

(If you need a refresher on the Rwandan genocide, go here, here, or here. Read this. Watch this.)

For three months in the spring and summer of 1994, a rush of Rwandan Tutsi refugees fled to Zaire to escape mass genocide at the hands of the Rwandan Hutus. Under government directive the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) slaughtered over 800,000 Tutsi men, women, and children before being overthrown by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPP). By 1996, a large number of RPF members, (known also as Interahamwe)  fled the new government and  crossed the boarder as well. Human Rights Watch  summarizes:

The government responsible for the genocide then led more than a million Hutu into exile in Congo, then Zaire, where civilian refugees and the military together established themselves in camps along the border. Under the direction of the defeated political and military leaders, soldiers and militia reorganized and rearmed within the refugee population, preparing for new attacks on Rwanda.

In late 1996 the Rwandan government sent its troops into the Congo, asserting the need to impede preparations for attacks on Rwanda as well as any obligation to protect the Banyamulenge, Congolese of the Tutsi ethnic group, who were being threatened by local and national Congolese political authorities.

The Rwandan soldiers together with combatants of the Allied Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo...a hastily organized coalition of Congolese forces, attacked the camps and killed tens of thousands of Rwandans, many of them unarmed civilian refugees. Hundreds of thousands of refugees then returned to Rwanda, some of them voluntarily, some of them forced to do so by Rwandan government troops. Some two hundred thousand Rwandans fled westward through the forests.

Many of the civilians were massacred in the following months by RPA or AFDL troops but several thousand ex-FAR and militia members regrouped to resume fighting the Rwandan government forces in Congo and later in Rwanda.

During this time, the Zairian government was toppled by a rebellion and a man named Kabila came to power and reinstated the country's former name - the Democratic Republic of Congo. In the instability following the coup, Kabila began to lose favor and troops from neighboring Zimbabwe, Angola, Chad, and the Sudan quickly became involved in an effort to encourage stability.

As of 2004 nearly four million people perished in the conflict and a 2006 Economist article considers this period to be "the bloodiest since World War II."

In 2001 Kabila was assassinated and replaced in power by his son. Since then there have been two rounds of general elections, but little has been done to stabilize the country's rampant and savage violence. Varying factions fight each other and the government, and ethnic contentions conflate the violence.

Congolese citizens are left trying to survive amid a state of near constant destruction and uncertainty. Rebels take control of villages, or simply destroy them by killing the men, raping or kidnapping the women, and burning the village to the ground.

Over one million Congolese are displaced, especially in the eastern part of the country where the Interahamwe militant faction "Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda" is particularly active. Starvation and disease are rampant.

In this environment of political and economic struggle, racial hatred, and lawlessness, one across-the-board "enemy" stands above them all - women.

Next: Rape as a Weapon of War in the Congo [Part 2 - The Savagery]

 

Women in War Zones - Ann Jones Blogs "16 Days" from Cote d'Ivoire

Check out the fabulous writer/photographer/activist Ann Jones as she blogs for 16-Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence (Nov 25 - Dec 10). She's in the Cote d'Ivoire  with the International Rescue Committee in an effort to "give women in war zones the opportunity to speak, loudly and clearly."

The IRC hopes to encourage national reconciliation by working in three different areas, serving three different populations with different needs. But what all three sites have in common is strong programs in “Violences Basees sur le Genre”—Gender-Based Violence.

Why? The answer is painfully simple. In any war, women and children are the principal victims. Offer any humanitarian program to assist people violated, deprived, damaged, or displaced by war and you find yourself serving women and their children, all of whom, in one way or another, have been victims of the violence of war and of additional violence done to them as women.

She will blog once a day through December 10th. Check it out. And don't miss the post where she teaches the women how to use digital cameras.

Then I send the teams out to take photos. They huddle to consult with each other about the cameras. Is it this button, or that? How hard must I push?

The first team finds a subject. One woman holds the camera firmly, as I’ve taught them, and points it. All heads converge at the viewing screen. What next? A teammate reaches over the camera-holder’s shoulder to depress the shutter button. An icon appears on the screen to indicate whether the subject is in focus. “It’s green! It’s green!” say the team mates. “Push! Push!” The button-pusher’s finger comes down. “Click!” The women scream. They jump up and down. They throw their arms around each other while the camerawoman holds the tiny camera aloft for safekeeping.

Priceless.

*** Further Reading ***
CÔTE D'IVOIRE - Targeting women: The forgotten victims of the conflict

The IRC - How You Can Help

Ann Jones Bio

Exonerated - "What is a Person Worth?"

The Times did a short piece on falsely-convicted prisoners who are freed in light of DNA evidence after years, sometimes decades in prison. Twenty-eight states offer these citizens no financial compensation and most offer no programs to help them reclaim their lives.

Although the article cites two men paid over $300,000 and over $1 million, this is the exception. Of the 22 states that do offer financial recompense, the amounts vary from $5,000 per year, max $25,000 (WI) to $100 per day (CA).

The impetus to shell-out to the wrongly-imprisoned is hampered by the inclination to focus on the previous records of some prisoners, or to view the prisoner as a perfectly plausible criminal, innocent of this particular crime, but likely guilty of unknown others.

When pressed, politicians find it hard to deny that the innocent who will never regain the life they would otherwise have know deserve ample compensation. However, state Rep. Thomas R. Caltagirone of Pennsylvania, co-chairman of that state’s House Judiciary Committee, asks

"Once you open up those floodgates, where do you get all the money to pay for these falsely charged people? How much money is it going to require? How much is a person worth?”

The NY Times reports on an internal study of 137 exonerated prisoners following their release:

The New York Times found about half of them struggling — drifting from job to job, dependent on others for housing or battling deep emotional scars. More than two dozen ended up back in prison or addicted to drugs or alcohol.

“Some people feel, ‘All right, it’s over now. You’re out, you’re free, so what are you complaining about? What’s the problem?’ ” said Darryl Hunt, exonerated in North Carolina after serving 18 years for murder.

“The problem is that we’re free physically,” he said. “But mentally, we’re still living the nightmare every day.”

*** Further Reading ***

Life After Exoneration

Larry Peterson: Beyond Exoneration

What Do States Owe the Exonerated?

The Innocence Project